Wieland (1798) is the best-known work by Charles Brockden Brown (1771-1810) and key to understanding the development of both the literature of the early republic and the emergence of American Gothic fiction. [1] As A. Robert Lee notes, ‘Brown was the first American novelist to make psychology his abiding subject, [portraying] the dark contrariety and self-absorption of human behaviour under pressure’. (31) Set at the time of the early colony that settled near the Pennsylvanian frontier in the wilderness west of Philadelphia, with the religious beliefs of the main characters central to the plot, the novel establishes much of the symbolic grammar of later American writing and leads the way for future authors of American gothic literature. [2]
Nathaniel Hawthorne (1804-1864) highlighted Brown’s importance, placing him alongside major authors in the Western canon:
In niches and pedestals . . . stood the statues or busts of men, who . . . have been rulers . . . in the realms of imagination . . . . In an obscure and shadowy niche was . . . the bust of our countryman, the author of Arthur Mervyn (173-174).
Wieland travelled across languages and continents, though translations of the work have received little critical attention. A French version of the novel was published in the first half of the 19th century: La famille Wieland, ou Les prodiges, traduction libre d’un manuscrit américain (1808). Eugene F. Timpe argues that Charles Brockden Brown, ‘. . . was regarded by the Germans as a novelist of talent who was given to the attempt to depict the fantastic’. (25) Indeed the work of the ‘first professional American novelist’ (25) was, according to Timpe of sufficient ‘interest to the German public . . even half a century after his death . . . to warrant the printing of three of his books’, though Timpe does not specify which works by Brown were including in this group. (25)
Brown’s work also travelled to Spain during the period of the Spanish American revolutions seeking independence from Spain, following the retrocession of Spanish territory in Louisiana to Napoleon following the French and Haitian Revolutions, and the subsequent sale of the Louisiana Territory to the United States during the presidency of Thomas Jefferson. A Spanish translation made by the cleric Luis Monfort in 1818 was published under the name Vieland, and republished in 1826, 1830, and 1839. [3] Little is known about Vieland’s translator, the obscure priest who introduced American letters to Spain.[4] Almost all the information currently available is provided on the cover pages of the successive editions of Vieland. The brief paragraph that lies below Monfort’s name on the title page of the book mentions that he was an army chaplain, attached to the second regiment of the Royal Corp of Artillery ([Capellán Párroco del 2º. regimiento del Real Cuerpo de Artillería]), stationed in Valencia, and a clerk for the Military Archbishopric of Spain. [5] Monfort’s title is given as ‘Dr.’, so he may have held a doctorate in Theology. Further research within the archives of the Military Archbishopric has shown that Monfort spent only a short time in Valencia, since his name appears only in the Baptismal register of this city during the year 1818.
The four Spanish editions of Vieland were published by different editors based in Valencia: Gimeno, Estévan and Cabrerizo. The 1830 and 1839 editions by Cabrerizo appear to have been reasonably widely known as they were advertised in literary journals and subscription libraries [6]. Vieland closely follows a previous French translation by Pigault-Maubaillarcq (?-1839), published ten years before in Calais. [7] This French version introduced many of the differences in plot from the original that the Spanish version would follow. Monfort’s translation has been scarcely acknowledged by scholars of Spanish Romanticism largely, and even counterintuitively, I would suggest, because of its revolutionary implications and thematic references to the American and French revolutions. Bibliographical historians have, however, noted Vieland’s place in Spanish book history, with citations in Catálogo de los libros de fondo y surtido de la Imprenta y Libería de Cabrerizo, formado para los SS. Libreros de América (18420 [a catalogue of the books of the Imprenta y Libería de Cabrerizo, created for the Booksellers of America], in José F. Montesinos’s Introducción a una historia de la novela en España en el siglo XIX. Seguido del esbozo de una bibliografía española de traducciones de novelas 1800-1850 (1982) [Introduction to a history of the novel in Spain in the 19th century. Followed by an outline of a bibliography of Spanish translations of novels 1800-1850], María José Alonso Seoane’s ‘El debate sobre el Romanticismo y su temprana defensa en la traducción de Corinne, de Mme. De Staël, por Juan Ángel Caamaño’ (2002), [The debate on Romanticism and its early defence in the translation of Corinne, by Mme. De Staël, by Juan Ángel Caamaño], and the seminal La novela gótica en España (1788-1833) (2010) [The gothic novel in Spain], by Miriam López Santos. [8] María Pilar Cavero Hernández’s Bibliografía de la historia de la imprenta valenciana (2013), [Bibliographical history of printing in Valencia], also offers an overview of all the works emerging from publishing houses in Valencia, then an important centre of printing and publishing, where Vieland was published.
Both Pigault-Maubaillarcq’s and Monfort’s versions are divided into four different volumes. The two initial volumes of this collection, grosso modo, follow the original plotline conceived by Brown, with some minor changes. For instance, the early French translation retains the emphasis on the ideals of the Enlightenment present in the American original. The Spanish version, however, focuses instead on a discussion of religious issues. Monfort’s translation adds a debate around Catholicism as the one true religion when Clara, the novel’s narrator and protagonist, explains the faith of her father as: ‘las falsas ideas que habia ido adquiriendo. Entusiasmo, vocacion, por cierto sublimes, si fueran inspiradas por el santo celo de la verdadera creencia’ (12) [the false ideas he had been acquiring. Enthusiasm, vocation, that would be sublime if inspired by the holy zeal of true belief]. Later she remarks in the same vein that: ‘Nuestra educacion por desgracia no habia sido bajo el sagrado estandarte de una religion revelada’ (40) [Our education unfortunately had not been under the sacred banner of a revealed religion]. The translation also introduces a new storyline in which Carwin (the antagonist in Brown’s original novel) seduces the daughter of his landlady before going to the Wielands. It also incorporates the omission of the details of Carwin’s stay both in Ireland and Spain.
That the Spanish translation of the novel deals with religious matters from a liberal perspective is important to understanding the significance of Vieland in Spain at this time. The Spanish Inquisition still existed and, even if inquisitorial practices were not quite those of previous centuries, the Catholic church still exercised control over literature and publishing. As Helen Rawlings, amongst others, has pointed out. ‘The revived Inquisition justified its activities as censor on the grounds that it was necessary ‘to root out as soon as possible every kind of publication in any way contrary to the doctrine of holy religion and to the fidelity owed to the Sovereign’ (Callahan, 1984, p. 113)’ (143). Several of the topics addressed in Vieland directly challenged Catholic orthodoxy on social and moral matters and would have been controversial in Spain for that reason.
More significant innovations on the original plot come in the third and fourth volumes of Monfort’s translation. These later volumes depict a Native American revolution and suggest the potential of a collaboration between colonial and Native forces in order to get rid of their common enemy: the British Empire. Again, there were political resonances with the revolutionary processes in Latin America. In many ways, the adaptation of Weiland seems to be a cipher for a discussion of Latin America that might otherwise be prohibited under the rule of Ferdinand VII.
There were other transatlantic influences on the Spanish translation. The idea of Euro-Americans and Native Americans fighting hand-in-hand draws on a scenario presented by the author(s) of the Apocalypse de Chiokoyhikoy, published in 1777 in the wake of the American Declaration of Independence. In Apocalypse, some Europeans join Native Americans in seeking liberation from colonial oppression, an idea that re-emerges in Volumes III and IV of Vieland as a Romantic revolutionary trope.
Although the first two volumes of the Spanish translation conform to what Brown originally published, therefore, the French and Spanish translators included significant, and telling, changes and additions to their editions of the book. Volume III, Carvino’s (originally Carwin’s) memoir, departs from Brown’s script by presenting Carvino as a descendant of Sebastian of Portugal (1554-1578) and king of an obscure African realm (Narea) under Jesuit rule. As I have shown elsewhere, this is a major revision of the story. This does not begin with Carvino himself, but rather several generations before with
la Batalla de Alcazarquivir (1578). . . Según Pigault-Maubaillarcq y . . . Luis Monfort, tras la batalla, el rey Sebastián caería preso del sultán de Argel, [y] viéndose libre . . . con una mujer del serrallo. Venecia, Florencia y Nápoles serán los destinos de Sebastián y su amada, siendo la primera ciudad lugar de nacimiento del hijo de la pareja, Francisco, padre de Carvino, quien asimismo debe huir a Austria perseguido por las malas artes de la Corona Española. De esta vida en fuga nacería el protagonista de la historia que aquí se presenta, . . . rescatado y llevado, como infante, a Narea […] (153-154).
[the Battle of Alcácer Quibir. . . . According to Pigault-Maubaillarcq and . . . Luis Monfort, after the battle, King Sebastian of Portugal would have been taken as a captive by the Sultan of Algiers [and] escape with one of the women who lived in the harem. Venice, Florence, and Naples would be the destinations of Sebastian and his lover. The only son of the couple, Francisco, Carvino’s father, would be born in Venice and later escape to Austria, persecuted by the Spanish Crown. From this life on the run, Carvino was born, . . . rescued and brought as an infant to Narea.] [9]
This volume, Volume III of the Spanish translation, would enjoy an independent publication as a spin-off novel, with two editions in 1830 and 1841. Both were published by Cabrerizo, who had acquired the copyright in 1830.
Most significant of all, however, is the fourth volume of the translation, in which Carvino, under the fictitious name of Francisco II, gathers many of the Native American leaders of the known and catalogued tribes and nations of North America together in order to start a revolution against the British colonists, in a plot development heavily reminiscent, as noted, of that of Apocalypse. Carvino is later crowned King of America. In this, the volume relies on the rhetorical resources that Kurt W. Ritter and James R. Andrews claim are distinctive of the American Revolution, which ‘fortified allegiance . . . to the notions of America as the home of liberty and the example to the world [and]Americans as God’s chosen people.’ (15).
The plot of Volume IV is distinctive, and draws on the revisions made in the translation of Volume III, where Carvino is identified as a descendant of Sebastian of Portugal, and ruler of an African kingdom. In Volume III he renounces his privileges and travels first to Egypt, where he learns the art of ventriloquism, and then to America. Volume IV begins with Clara (Theodore’s sister in Brown’s original), the novel’s narrator and protagonist, who has just survived the attempted murder described in Volume II (something that happens in the original Wieland), when Carvino kills his brother Teodoro to save her. After she recovers from the initial shock of reading Carvino’s confession to the murder of her brother, she dares to go back to Mettingen, Wieland’s (and Vieland’s) estate, where the destruction of her family took place, with her friend Henry Pleyel and a relative recently arrived from Europe. There, Carvino surprises her and tries to convince her to flee with him. A fight with Pleyel (a friend of the Wieland/Vieland family) and Clara’s relative takes place, leaving Clara unconscious. When she awakes at the beginning of Chapter V, she is on a horse heading to Carvino’s hideout at Lake Erie.
There begins the substantial spin-off story, none of which appears in Brown’s original. The next chapters follow Carvino, now operating under the name of Don Francisco, as he tries to seduce Clara, with the aim of making her his wife, and assume the throne he believes is his destiny: ‘No está lejos el momento en que con el mayor júbilo aplaudirá [the assembly of Native leaders] á la esposa que me he escogido, siendo la única que puede dar algún valor al trono á que yo la destino’ (153). [The moment in which the assembly will cheer the wife I have chosen is not far, and she will be the only one who can give value to my throne.] There the direct revolutionary parallel ends, for to accomplish this, Carvino utilizes all the means he has at hand, in the process revealing much about the planned Native rebellion. For instance, as Clara awakes in her new rooms, she discovers that a subterranean city has been built and that Carvino has already established a hierarchical system of servants and masters, in which he is the king: ‘Todavía estaba hablando el caballerizo que me hacia esta explicación, cuando el bélico estruendo de instrumentos militares por las galerías de palacio, y un extraordinario bullicio anunciaron la llegada de D. Francisco’ (150). [The horseman was still speaking when a military noise overwhelmed the corridors of the palace, and an extraordinary hustle and bustle announced the arrival of D. Francisco.] The real struggle is less for Native liberation than for the recovery of royal status. As Carvino himself explains: ‘Fiel á mis promesas saco de la opresión á los habitantes de estas comarcas, y obligo á los orgullosos isleños que las dominan, á que vuelvan á pasar los mares’ (162-163). [Being loyal to all my promises, I take the natives of these regions out of their slavery, and I force the proud islanders ruling them to again cross the ocean.] His position is more ambiguous than he pretends, however, for at the same time, Carvino plans to please Clara by exercising leniency towards her British friends and relatives: ‘aquellos á quienes estais unida por los vínculos de sangre de amistad, sin exceptuar al mismo señor Hallet, de quien tengo tanto de que quejarme, serán respetados […]’ (164). [Those towards whom you are united by bonds of blood or friendship, including Mr. Hallet, towards whom I have so many complaints, will be respected.]
When trying to seduce Clara, Carvino gives a broad explanation of how the uprising will unfold:
Mañana los gefes de todas las hordas, establecidas desde el Labrador hasta la Florida, se congregarán aquí para tomar mis ultimas órdenes. Los yelos acaban de coger esta mañana nuestros canales, nuestros rios y lagos; y estableciendo comunicaciones van á permitirnos caer de improviso sobre nuestros enemigos, y evitar todos los puntos fortificados que nos impiden acercarnos. El dia del novilunio es la época señalada para nuestro ataque (165).
[Tomorrow, the chiefs of all the tribes located between Florida and Labrador will be gathered here to receive my orders. The ice has set this morning on our canals, our rivers, and our lakes; and establishing communication [this access] will allow us to ambush our enemies, and to avoid all the fortifications that prevent us from getting closer. The new moon is the appointed time for our final attack.]
This paragraph is especially relevant for the information it provides about the kind of revolution Carvino is trying to lead. Firstly, it establishes a confederation of Native leaders, something rarely seen in the history of the colonization of North America. [10] Carvino explains that their strategy is based in taking advantage of the advance of the ice covering all the waterways, using Native American knowledge of the environment and the terrain, and drawing on longstanding Native American practices of using the resources of the natural world. [11] The inclusion of this paragraph by Monfort after Pigault-Maubaillarcq assimilates Native methods and ways of living to the Spanish as well as French narrative.
This does not free the authors-translators of the prejudice of labelling the natives as «hordas» or «salvages.» The figure of the noble savage permeates the narration, as José Manuel Losada has recently explained, allowing Native Americans to be seamlessly absorbed to existing narratives of indigeneity (215). Clara describes the leaders’ interventions in the assembly in the following terms:
Aquellos salvages están dotados de una penetración y una sagacidad asombrosa; su lenguage está lleno de expresion, de imágenes y de energía, y en los mas bellos dias de Roma ningun orador acaso alcanzo jamas la perfección de su elocuencia natural. (171).
[These savages are endowed with insight and an extraordinary wisdom; their language is full of expression, of images, and of energy, and even in the golden days of Rome no orator attained the perfection of their natural eloquence.]
In Vieland, the myth of the noble savage is assimilated to the fictional genre emerging in the translation.
But the layers of the plot are more complicated still. Clara becomes a witness to a far more radical and far-reaching revolution than the historical American Revolution. After Carvino’s attempts at seducing Clara seem not to succeed, she is dismissed to her rooms, but curiosity leads her to continue exploring the subterranean palace in which she is imprisoned. She finds ‘un vasto circo contiguo al palacio’ (1818, 168), [a vast amphitheater next to the palace] where she sees ‘millares de salvages divididos en las tribus’ (1818, 168), [thousands of savages divided in their tribes.]
Alli se hallaban reunidos los esquimales del país del Labrador, los abenaquis, los chaucotimis y otras tribus que pueblan ambas riberas del rio San Lorenzo, y que habitan las cercanías de la bahía de Hudson. Seguíanse á estos los ontagamis de las inmediaciones del lago superior, los iroqueses, los hurones, los algonguines, que confinan con los lagos Erie y Ontario; los cheraquees, que rodean las altas montañas de los Apalaches; los chicasaus, los chactas, que pueblan la Luisiana; los ilenenses, establecidos en las orillas del Misisipi, y hasta los sioxs y paducas, que dependen del nuevo Mégico [sic] (168-169).
[There were gathered the Inuit from Labrador, the Abenaki, the Chaucotimi and other tribes that populate the shores of the St. Lawrence River and inhabit the vicinity of Hudson Bay. Next to these were the Ontagami from the vicinity of Lake Superior, the Iroquois, the Huron, the Algonquian who live next to the lakes Erie and Ontario; the Cherokee, who cover the high Appalachians; the Chickasaw, the Choctaw, who inhabit Louisiana; the Illini established on the banks of the Mississippi; and even the Sioux and the Paducah, who are governed by the authorities of New Mexico.]
The rebels are presented to Don Francisco, ‘en vestiduras reales, brillante en pedrerías, la frente ceñida de una soberbia diadema, ocupaba un trono magnífico’ (169), [in royal garments, shining with precious gems, wearing a crown, was seated on a magnificent throne] and they receive the homage and tribute of their leader. However, in contrast with what Carvino has said just pages before, this gathering not only attempts to expel the British (those ‘isleños’ [islanders]) from the American continent, but all the European powers, since the list of the leaders refers also to those nations based in French Louisiana and Spanish New Mexico, far from the East Coast and Pennsylvania where the original Wieland takes place.
The triple origin of this final volume of Veiland, which draws on the American version of Charles Brockden Brown, the French adaptation of Pigault-Maubaillarcq, and the earlier volumes of Luis Monfort’s Spanish adaptation, makes this fictional rebellion a tale in which Native nations are represented in conflict with European colonial powers across North America. It undercuts many contemporary colonial reports, which confined themselves to discussions of Native Americans inhabiting specific areas of the continent. In this fictional work, there are historical references to confederacies of Native Americans that were often written out of contemporary accounts. Two examples that would work as references for the novel are the Gayanashagowa, or Great Law of Peace, which in 1722 would lead to the Iroquois Confederacy; [12] or the ‘revelation’ recounted in the Apocalypse de Chiokoyhikoy, which foresees a union of Native Americans and colonists which will liberate the continent: ‘Des hommes qui ne seront pas ses freres; se revolteront; ils mettront le feu aux productions de cette terre, ils ravageront tout; ils rendront la peine de leurs maitres inutile’ (74). [Men who are not brothers will revolt. They will put the earth’s bounty to the torch and lay waste to it, despoiling the efforts of their masters.] [13]
Despite the emphasis on the power and utility of Native American ways of living and fighting, Carvino, now Don Francisco, urges the tribes to a new attitude to war to ensure victory over their enemies. He is the king, and it will be his rule that will lead America to freedom from Europe, using Native American warriors. After the chiefs are presented to him, Carvino instructs them to, ‘Olvidad vuestra antigua manera de pelear; no se trata aqui de una sorpresa ó de un ataque parcial, se necesita una lucha porfiada, y que será preciso sostener hasta que el último de vuestros enemigos haya mordido el polvo’ (172). [Forget your old ways of fighting. This is not a surprise or a partial attack. We need a total fight, until your enemies have been bitten the dust].
Later on, it becomes clear that Carvino has tricked the Native leaders, and his actions prove mostly selfish, but in the moment he is paid a high compliment by the assembly of native leaders: ‘Tú eres europeo, pero tienes el corazon y las virtudes de los que los europeos llaman salvages’ (175). [You are a European but have the heart and the virtues of those the Europeans call savages.] This romantic characterization also sees Carvino assimilated by the Native Americans to an idealized father figure of the past, William Penn (1644-1718): ‘Tú nos recuerdas al buen Pen, que vivirá indeleble en nuestra gratitud, y que como tú nos amó, y le tuvimos en lugar de padre’ (175-176). [You remind us of good Penn, who will live forever in our gratitude. He loved us as you do, and we considered him a father.] [14] Penn made no appearance in Brockden Brown’s Wieland and the European translations ignore Penn’s theft of Native land in what today is Pennsylvania.
The novel cannot deliver the revolutionary outcome of Native American sovereignty and European expulsion. Despite the carefully laid plans, an unforeseen mistake is enough to stop them. After the assembly is closed, Clara is notified that Pleyel has discovered the password of the hideout and has been caught by Carvino, even as the troops Pleyel summons launch a surprise attack on the hideout. Later on, by means of a letter, she acknowledges that Pleyel betrayed the rebels in his quest to rescue her from captivity. A fire triggers a massive explosion of the gunpowder and ammunition that Carvino and the Native Americans have hidden in the caves, leading to one of the most gothic scenes of the spin-off storyline. Clara is trapped by the rocks that fall from the ceiling, resulting in an accidental dungeon: ‘¡Cual quedé al verme asi enterrada viva en las entrañas de la tierra, y condenada á morir de hambre y de desesperacion!’ (195). [How terrified I was when I saw myself buried underground, condemned to starve to death and despair!] After she is miraculously rescued by an agonized Carvino, she escapes through an intricate network of tunnels that leads to the outside. However, nothing is known of Clara or the fight in the hideout. The narrative is silent on her mysterious return to safety in Philadelphia. Her male family and friends, promised clemency by Carvino, do not fare so well, for ‘Mi tio, Pleyel, el señor Hallet, el mismo D. Francisco, todos habian perecido en aquella horrible catástrofe’ (200). [My uncle, Pleyel, Mr. Hallet, D. Francisco, all of them died in that catastrophe.]
The fourth volume of Monfort’s Vieland deserves much more attention than it can receive here, both for its homage to Charles Brockden Brown’s Wieland and because of the original narrative it presents. This is likely the first fictional work that represents Native North Americans in Spain, and of one of the first fictional works depicting the possibility of a Native American revolt against colonial power. In Volume IV, rhetoric precipitates a revolution as Carvino prompts Native leaders to set their differences apart and fight towards a common objective – the liberation of the continent from Europe. This idea was not totally original, for it had already existed during the Enlightenment, but what both the Pigault-Maubaillarcq and Luis Monfort versions present goes a step further, for they suggest how a real rebellion might take shape in practice.
The French and Spanish adaptations of Wieland allow their continental coreligionists to win in the struggle with ‘island’ colonialists, but nonetheless the germ of a novel approach to the representation of the Americas utilizing the fictional medium can be found here, one that also resonates with longstanding historical debates in Spain about Indigenous Americans further south that originated with the work of Bartolomé de las Casas. The existence of translations of Charles Brockden Brown’s novel in France and Spain in the Age of Revolution provides an early instance of the role of publishing in the development of a transatlantic literary market that permitted the translation and adaptation of ideas as well as an encounter with new literary forms emerging in America. French and Spanish language translations of Wieland were, in large part, faithful to their source material. But translation also allowed for creative adaptation that reflected the political, literary and publishing climate of the times in Europe, and proposed more radical solutions to the problem of European colonialism in America than American writing was willing to countenance. In this regard, Vieland writes back to the recently established and expanding republic in challenging ways.
Notes
This article belongs to the activities of the Research Project «Myth and Representation: Innovative Theoretical and Practical Activities in Cultural Myth-Criticism» (ANDRÓMEDA-CM Ref. PHS-2024/PH-HUM-76), of the Research Group «Poéticas y textualidades emergentes. Siglos XIX-XXI» (Universidad Complutense de Madrid), of the Research Group «Estudios interdisciplinares de Literatura y Arte» (Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha), of the Complutense Institute for the Study of Religion and of the Research Institute of Humanism and Classical Tradition (Universidad de León).
[1] Other authors who contributed to the development of early American gothic literature include Isaac Mitchell (ca. 1759-1812) or William Dunlap (1766-1839). For further details, see José Manuel Correoso Rodenas (2020b and 2024).
[2] See A. Robert Lee on Brown’s influence on later American writing.
[3] La familia de Vieland, ó los prodigios [trans. Dr. D. Luis Monfort]. Valencia, Imprenta de Estévan, 1818.
La familia de Vieland, ó los prodigios [trans. Dr. D. Luis Monfort]. Valencia, Imprenta de Gimeno, 1826.
La familia de Vieland, ó los prodigios [trans. Dr. D. Luis Monfort]. Valencia, Imprenta de Cabrerizo, 1830.
La familia de Vieland, ó los prodigios [trans. Dr. D. Luis Monfort]. Valencia, Imprenta de Cabrerizo, 1839.
[4] For more information about the role as Romantic translator Luis Monfort played in 19th century Spain, see Pere Gifra Adroher (2015).
[5] Secretario de la Subdelegación Castrense de Valencia, as indicated on the book cover.
[6] See José Manuel Correoso Rodenas (2019, 618).
[7] Edited by Moreaux.. See José Manuel Correoso Rodenas (2019 and 2020a).
[8] López Santos, Miriam. La novela gótica en España (1788-1833). Vigo, Editorial Academia del Hispanismo, 2010.
[9] Unless indicated otherwise, all the translation from the original in Spanish are my own.
[10] See, for instance, Kirsten Fischer and Eric Hinderaker (2002).
[11] A strategy that would be recreated in 1981 in Leslie Marmon Silko’s (1948-) short story ‘Storyteller’.
[12] See William Nelson Fenton (1949 and 1988), Christopher Vecsey (1986), or Samuel B. Payne (1996).
[13] Translation included in the Canadian edition of Chiokoyhikoy included in the References.
[14] See J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur’s (1735-1813) Letters from an American Farmer (1782 [49]) and Charles Brockden Brown’s Edgar Huntly (1799).
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